Parties trade barbs over stirring health care rage

As lawmakers face threats, questions arise over riding wave of anger, provoking it

March 26, 2010|By Faye Fiore and Richard Simon | Tribune Newspapers

WASHINGTON — — In the days surrounding passage of health care overhaul legislation, Republican lawmakers have been left to strike a fine balance between harnessing voter outrage and fueling it.

Examples of raw anger have piled up. A call to New York Democrat Louise M. Slaughter said snipers would "kill the children of the members who voted for health care reform." Later, a brick smashed a window at her Niagara Falls district office. Hate messages jammed the lines of Michigan Rep. Bart Stupak, the anti-abortion-rights Democrat whose last-minute support helped cinch passage. Law enforcement offered more protection to at least 10 lawmakers, a measure usually only afforded party leaders.

The GOP wants nothing more this November than to ride to victory the wave of anger stirred by President Barack Obama's expansion of the federal government - much of it from the burgeoning "tea party" movement.

But as the ire turned ugly, Democrats questioned whether the GOP had crossed the line between loyal opposition and reckless provocation.

"You would think they would come down to the floor of the House and say these actions, this language is deplorable and we ask that all of our supporters engaged in this conversation on either side do so in a conscientious and reasonable way," said Rep. Steve Driehaus, an Ohio Democrat who received death threats after House Minority Leader John Boehner, also from the Buckeye State, said Driehaus could be a "dead man" if he voted for the bill.

Top Republicans distanced themselves from the worst of it, while still defending the motivation of upset voters. On Thursday, GOP members denounced from the floor conduct that had overshadowed otherwise fierce but contained opposition to a much-debated law.

"End the threats. End the vandalism. And let's also end the smears of law-abiding citizens exercising their First Amendment right to speech and peaceable assembly," said Mike Pence of Indiana, chairman of the House Republican Conference.

Minority Whip Eric Cantor of Virginia condemned the threats, while also trying to blunt the Democrats' denunciations. "It is reckless to use these incidents as a media vehicle for political gain," he said, suggesting that the Democrats themselves were "dangerously fanning the flames."

Angry demonstrations are nothing new to Washington, especially when unpopular wars are fought or controversial law is engineered.

The right points out that the left isn't innocent; President George W. Bush was called a dunce and likened to Hitler.

What's different this time is the role of mainstream lawmakers who critics say were not only slow to condemn over-the-top behavior, but sometimes egged it on.

On Sunday, three GOP lawmakers on the Capitol balcony pumped fists and waved posters before an already agitated crowd. When unruly demonstrators were ejected from the House gallery, several Republican members of Congress rose to applaud them. During the debate, some Republican members likened Democrats to the Soviets and warned that freedom was dying in the United States. Alarmed, more than 100 House Democrats met with the FBI and Capitol Police in closed-door sessions midweek.

When a gas line was severed at the home of Virginia Democrat Tom Perriello's brother, whose address was published on an opposition Web site that mistakenly thought it was the congressman's, Boehner called such acts "unacceptable."

Tapping the passion of the political base can be heady and profitable in the short-run. Rep. Joe Wilson, R-S.C., earned a House scolding after he shouted "You lie!" during Obama's health care address to Congress last September, but in the weeks afterward received a donations boost that made him the top Republican fundraiser in this election cycle, with nearly $3.4 million in campaign funds.

In the long run, such appeals risk alienating centrist voters and independents who typically decide elections. "A lot of Americans who are part of no party's base are repelled by extremes of language or action. The people in the middle simply don't believe in that sort of thing," said William Galston, a senior Brookings Institution fellow and former Clinton White House adviser.

But the strategy of both parties today is to win by demonizing the other, and the line of civility keeps getting pushed.

"Behavior that was unheard of and would not be tolerated a generation ago is becoming all too routine. It's not just among Republicans," said Charlie Cook, an independent analyst and publisher of the nonpartisan Cook Political Report. He cited Rep. Alan Grayson's, D-Fla., floor speech dismissing the GOP's health care plan as "die quickly."

Opinion leaders have urged health care opponents to fight on in what some heard as "coded rhetoric" - Sarah Palin's tweet: "Don't Retreat, Instead - RELOAD!"

How Md. voted on fixes In the Senate: Democrats Barbara A. Mikulski, Benjamin L. Cardin voted "yes" In the House: Democrats Elijah E. Cummings, Donna F. Edwards, Steny H. Hoyer, C.A. Dutch Ruppersberger, John Sarbanes and Chris Van Hollen voted "yes"; Republican Roscoe G. Bartlett and Democrat Frank M. Kratovil voted "no."

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