And more than 80 percent of state legislators have received campaign contributions from the liquor lobby, records show. In the past decade, liquor license holders, wholesalers, distributors, manufacturers and their political action committees have contributed an average of nearly $350,000 annually to hundreds of candidates. Donations range from as little as $100 to the state maximum: $4,000 per candidate per election cycle, according to a Sun analysis of data on alcohol-related interest groups and more than 7,000 liquor license holders.
To put that in context, watchdog groups decrying the energy industry's influence over Maryland's 1999 utility deregulation plan said this year that industry donations to state candidates and committees totaled $1 million since 1998.
In the same period, alcohol interests gave about $2.8 million to preserve the current system of regulation.
Many legislators say the money does not give the liquor lobby undue influence. Even Bronrott says donations might ease access to legislators but do not guarantee favorable votes.
Del. Mary Ann Love, who chairs the House subcommittee that deals with alcohol regulation, said her positions are not influenced by the $15,000 in donations she has received from the industry over the past decade. "I take money from a lot of people," said Love, an Anne Arundel Democrat. "My positions aren't going to change."
Industry's might
The industry's strength has been displayed on several seemingly disparate issues during the General Assembly session.
Early this month, panel after panel of wine lovers pleaded with state senators to allow consumers to buy their favorite merlot and pinot noir online, as is allowed in 34 other states, including Pennsylvania, and in Washington, D.C.
Although Gov. Martin O'Malley has collected more from the liquor lobby than any Maryland politician in office - more than $230,000, mainly from seven years as Baltimore mayor - he was inclined to support the wine bill, said spokesman Rick Abbruzzese.
But just as the bill's sponsor, Sen. Jamie Raskin of Montgomery County, was exhorting a Senate committee to "free the grapes," a House panel voted down the measure, 17-3, effectively killing it.
Ultimately, both chambers were persuaded by arguments made by Bruce C. Bereano, a lobbyist for the Licensed Beverage Distributors of Maryland - among the most generous donors to state politicians. He said the bill would reduce distribution-related jobs and hurt state wineries, even though the association that represents them endorsed the bill.
