MANAGUA, Nicaragua -- Sandinista troops recently seized and executed a former contra commander, shooting him in the back and mutilating his body. Hours later, ex-contras kidnapped, knifed and shot a former Sandinista lieutenant, dumping his body on a nearby ranch.
Has nothing changed in Nicaragua?
Well, a few things. As contra veterans inaugurated a new computer-equipped political headquarters in Managua, President Violeta Chamorro lauded them for their main recent contribution to postwar life: boosting black bean production.
A year after 18,000 contras surrendered their weapons at the end of a nine-year, U.S.-financed war, most former fighters are poor, many feel betrayed, and a few fear Sandinista vengeance so strongly that they have recently taken up arms again. Yet diplomats say that, despite all that, the country continues to make gains in the painful transition from civil war to reconciliation.
With ex-contras living alongside Sandinista militants all over Nicaragua, scores on both sides have been killed in a year of shootings, ambushes, knifings and other bloodshed. "And the ex-rebels have gotten the worst of this violence," said Mateo Guerrero, the head of the Nicaraguan Association Pro Human Rights, a U.S.-funded rights monitor.
Organization of American States officials have documented the killings of 35 ex-rebels during the past year, and they believe that other deaths have gone unreported.
"But keeping in mind the hatred and polarization in this country after 10 years of war, I don't think this violence has been excessive," said Italo Murkow, the Colombian who has overseen the OAS's Nicaraguan operations.
Is Nicaragua on the verge of a new war?
"Definitely not -- unless I'm the most politically unperceptive person in the world," Mr. Murkow said. "Nicaragua, in its soul, is tired of war."
Most contras found the war's end last June a bleak letdown after a decade of sacrifices. Politically, the Sandinistas remained in control of the army, police, courts, trade unions, peasant organizations and other institutions.
Every contra fighter who surrendered received a change of clothing, a few farm tools, a $50 U.S.-financed start-up grant and a few months' rations of rice and beans.
The Chamorro government promised to donate vast tracts of land to the rebels, but few have benefited.
In one scheme, contra leaders predicted that former fighters would transform government-donated land near the village of El Almendro in southeast Nicaragua into a string of lush plantations and orchards.
"We're going to build a great city," Israel Galeano, the contra army's final commander, boasted last year.
But those dreams degenerated into fiasco. Nearly 7,000 rebels gathered at El Almendro seeking lands, but only about 200 ever got title.
The Chamorro government has had difficulty keeping other pledges, too, such as the pensions promised to the contra army's estimated 15,000 widows, orphans and disabled. The economy is still bankrupt, and U.S. aid -- despite generous speeches in Washington -- has been slow in arriving. President Bush promised a $300 million reconstruction package last year and $240 million for fiscal 1991. So far, only $206 million has been disbursed.
Contra frustrations led to armed clashes last fall when ex-rebels tried to seize cooperative farms defended by pro-Sandinista militants. The violence peaked when ex-rebels allied with
peasants blocked the country's main east-west highway for 18 days.
Those land conflicts left dozens dead and scores wounded, yet the killing of one man -- former rebel commander Enrique Bermudez, slain by a lone gunman in Managua on Feb. 16 -- aggravated the ex-contras' fears more than all the previous bloodletting.
Since Mr. Bermudez's death, several bands of former contras, complaining of Sandinista harassment, have rearmed themselves, threatening to continue the war.
Their first attack was reported May 2, when guerrillas fired automatic rifles at a Sandinista army road construction crew in Jinotega province. There were no casualties, but army chief Gen. Humberto Ortega responded with tough talk about smothering the renascent rebellion.
Several of the so-called "re-contra" leaders have used OAS officers to send demands to the Chamorro administration, according to a knowledgeable diplomat. After Francisco Cano Chavarria arranged an April 12 rendezvous with OAS officers in the Jinotega hamlet of Aguas Amarillas, the day's events illustrated how the fear and distrust that are the war's legacies can provoke new violence.
That morning, Mr. Chavarria's men dragged former Sandinista army Lt. Fausto Pineda out of his vehicle near Aguas Amarillas. Why is not clear; the diplomat said it appeared that Lieutenant Pineda had been investigating the re-contras' activities.
The same afternoon, Sandinista soldiers searching for Lieutenant Pineda surrounded Mr. Chavarria at his farm, ordered him to turn over his Browning pistol and shot him in the back when he refused.